Ebola in Liberia: More than a Health Crisis

LiberiaEbola4It all started with two Ebola cases in Foya, Lofa County. It was on March 17 of this year that the Ebola virus entered Liberia from Guinea. The reaction of the government of Liberia on the arrival of the virus was one of indifference, with hindsight we now say, recklessness. President Sirleaf did not change her agenda and left the country for a foreign trip. However, it was known from previous outbreaks – in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, Sudan – that the Ebola virus is very aggressive and contagious and that the fatality rate of this killer-disease exceeds 90%. A month or so later, the disease appeared confined and under control.

Then, on May 25 another outbreak of Ebola was reported, again in Foya. This time the virus came from Sierra Leone. The initial reaction of the government was not much different from the one in March-April – even though the virus had already led to the death of a number of health workers during the first ‘wave’ of EVD (Ebola Virus Disease) since they worked without sufficient protection and were not at all trained and/or prepared to handle this highly contagious disease.

LiberiaEbolaThis second wave of EVD was much more serious than the first one. It took, however, nearly two months before the government took action, declaring a National Health Emergency and creating a National Health Force on July 26. This was followed by a State of Emergency on August 6, a curfew on the 19th and the infamous quarantine of ‘West Point’ the following day. Protests were quelled by the Liberian Army and police forces and their shooting led to the death of at least one person, 16-year old Shacki Kamara. President Sirleaf cancelled all her trips abroad including her participation in the huge US – Africa Leaders Summit early August.

By the end of August the death toll of the epidemic, now completely out of control, exceeded 1,000 casualties of which 80% in Montserrado, Lofa and Margibi. But Ebola, initially ‘limited’ to Lofa County, Bong and Montserrado, had now spread to all counties, with Monrovia being the only capital in the region with rising Ebola cases. Official figures, however, hide a painful fact: under-reporting. After initially denying the existence of Ebola and accusing the government of a plot, the population gradually became aware of the aggressive nature and existence of the virus. Cases of locking up sick people and illegal burial of suspected deaths became known. Moreover, the capacity of public health services responsible for collecting dead bodies proved insufficient and dead bodies lingered in the streets for days before being collected thus creating another health hazard.

I do not intend to tell here the whole sad story of how Ebola developed into a nightmare for the Liberian people. Newspaper articles abound with details. Here I want to draw attention to the fact that the Liberian Government’s failure to adequately address the epidemic is no case of force majeure. The situation is beyond the control of the government because of its failure to create a viable, efficient and effective public health sector ànd because of the huge gap between the Government of Liberia – still perceived by many as consisting of an elite who only thinks of its own interests – and the population. The 2013/2014 National Budget included total public expenditures amounting to US $ 583 million but only US $ 70 million had been allocated to the health sector. This sharply contrasts with the planned expenditures for ‘Public Administration’ which includes the National Legislature, the Ministry of State for Presidential Affairs, the Ministry of Finance, debt service: US $ 185 million or some 30% of total expenditures.

President Sirleaf can be proud of realizing the cancellation of the country’s huge foreign debt – US $ 4.6 billion – and attracting some US $ 20 billion in foreign investments, two major achievements (though much more could – and should – be said about these FDI but that is beyond the scope of this post). However, President Sirleaf’s handling of the Ebola crisis has led to much criticism, even voices have been heard that she should step down, ‘lead or quit’, and the call for the creation of an interim-government. Criticism is voiced both by Liberians inside the country and by Liberians in the diaspora. Also the USA and international organizations like MSF/Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors without Borders) and even the UN have criticized the Sirleaf Administration.

The Ebola crisis acts as a wake-up call. Africa’s first democratically elected female president is losing her popularity – both inside and outside Liberia.

It will take months and many more deaths before an end will be in sight of the Ebola epidemic. But the plague also has severe social, economic and political consequences which will gradually or abruptly become visible. One of them is a governance crisis. Since the creation of the republic ordinary people have had no confidence in ‘their’ government – which was not ‘their’ government at all, at least until 1980, but also after that date, marked by the military coup of master-sergeant Samuel Doe – and this still is the case. Mistrust and lack of communication characterize relations between the government and those who are being governed. Moreover, many Liberians have become disappointed with President Sirleaf because of the nepotism and corruption  that have become trademarks of her Administration.

Sawyer Count me outIt is worth mentioning how former interim-president Amos Sawyer (1990 – 1994) – and nowadays Chair of the important Governance Commission – reacted when confronted with the call for an interim government. “Those folks who are calling for an interim government are moving in the wrong direction. My appeal is that we all find a silver lining in this terrible epidemic to first contain it and then eradicate it so that we can move our country forward not backward.

Meanwhile, the Liberian Government lacks the funds, the manpower and the expertise to fight the Ebola epidemic and to bring it under control. Liberia not only depends on foreign capital to develop the country and on foreign troop to keep the peace, Africa’s oldest republic now also needs foreign assistance to contain and eradicate Ebola.

The following statement is merely meant to illustrate the sentiments and ideas that live in the Liberian Diaspora. It is a statement by the Liberian Association of Metropolitan Atlanta (LAMA). The paper consists of four parts. First, it examines the manner in which the Sirleaf Administration has handled the Ebola epidemic. Secondly, it focuses on what is called the governance deficit of the Liberian Government. Thirdly, it lays out some maor aspects of the crisis of socio-economic development and forthly, the statement offers some suggestions for addressing the Ebola crisis, and broader issues like democratic governance and socio-economic development.



The current Ebola crisis in Liberia has laid bare the stark reality that the perennial governance and human development deficits in Liberian have widened during the administration of President Ellen Johnson Sir leaf. The central piece of evidence is based on the “I don’t care” attitude and the demonstration of insensitivity to the plight of Liberians by President Sirleaf since the outbreak of the Ebola crisis. This has shocked many Liberians and various sectors of the international community that had invested tremendous amount of hope in the Sirleaf regime.

President Sirleaf entered office on January 16, 2006, amid a wave of hope and optimism both in Liberia and abroad that she would have provided the requisite human-centered leadership that is imperative for the building of a new democratic and prosperous Liberia for all Liberians, irrespective of their ethnic, regional, class, gender and religious backgrounds. This hope was shaped by two major factors. First, it was believed that President Sirleaf would have brought to bear on the leadership of Liberia the experiences she has gained from her tenure in various positions in the Liberian government, the United Nations, the World Bank and the private sector. Second, it was thought that President Sirleaf would have taken concrete steps to correct the country’s governance and development problems, since she had been a very vocal critic of the Tolbert, Doe and Taylor regimes.

At the international level, the investment of hope in the Sirleaf regime was significantly reflected in the unprecedented increases in the flow of development assistance from the European Union, the United States Government, and others. In short, the Sirleaf regime was the beneficiary of tremendous goodwill. Unfortunately, after being in power for almost nine years, the repository of evidence clearly shows that the Sirleaf regime has betrayed the hopes of Liberians and the international community by its horrendous performance in the twin areas of democratic governance and development.

Against this background, the purpose of this Position Statement is four-fold. First, it will examine the poor manner in which the Sirleaf regime has handled the current Ebola crisis. Second, the statement will map out the growth of the governance deficit under the Sirleaf regime. Third, it will lay out some of the major aspects of the crises of socio-economic development. Fourth, the statement will offer some suggestions for addressing the current Ebola crisis, and the broader crises of democratic governance and socio-economic development.


The outbreak of the Ebola virus began in Liberia in March 2014, as a result of its spread from neighboring Guinea. Characteristically, the Sirleaf regime responded to the initial outbreak with the usual “I don’t care attitude.” This was reflected in two major ways. First, the Sirleaf regime made virtually no effort to take the requisite measures that were imperative for containing the spread of the virus. Second, in a classic display of the lack of commitment to the survival of the Liberian people, President Sirleaf insisted that she had a planned trip to Equatorial Guinea, prior to the initial outbreak of the virus. Hence, she was leaving the matter to the Ministry of Health. So, she made the trip to Equatorial Guinea, amid the looming threat of the Ebola virus to the lives of the Liberian people. This action by President Sirleaf was a clear demonstration of the fact that while she is interested in the pageantry of the presidency, and in the control of the state’s economic resources, which she has allowed her relatives, friends and government officials to plunder and pillage with impunity, on the other hand, she has no interest in performing the most important responsibility of her office: the protection of the lives of the Liberian people.

Beyond the demonstration of the lack of care and commitment to the well-being of the Liberian people, the outbreak of the Ebola virus exposed the fact that the Sirleaf‘s regime has not developed the requisite mechanisms and formulated the required protocols for dealing with health crisis. And this was clearly reflected in the lack of direction that characterized even the regime’s initial token response to the outbreak of the virus. Clearly, these attitudes and actions on the part of the Sirleaf’s regime contributed to the spread of the virus.

Tragically, it was only after the international community raised an alarm about the rapid spread of the virus that the public image-obsessed Sirleaf’s regime decided to take some belated actions. First, on August 6, 2014, President Sirleaf declared a “state of emergency” for three months. However, as usual, her regime failed to consider the implications of the “state of emergency” for the Liberian people’s access to food, water, and other basic necessities of life, including health care. Second, on August 19, 2014, President Sirleaf imposed a nation-wide dusk to dawn curfew. Again, the ramifications of this policy action for the lives of the Liberian people were not carefully thought out. Third, on August 20, 2014, Liberian soldiers fired on unarmed and defenseless citizens in West Point, the largest slum in the country with an estimated population of 50,000 people squeezed on a land mass that is about half a mile long.

As part of the measures under the “state of emergency,” West Point is one of the communities that are under quarantine. But, as has been discussed, the Sirleaf regime’s decision to impose the quarantine did not take into consideration issues such as the residents’ access to food and the other basic necessities of life. In addition, as a slum, West Point does not have lavatories and pipe borne water in its predominantly uninhabitable “houses” that are predominantly made of corrugated zinc. Hence, the residents use the beach as a lavatory facility. Thus, frustrated by the poorly designed and implemented quarantine by the Sirleaf’s regime and its adverse effects on their livelihood, some of the residents of West Point decided to protest. And this led to clashes with troops from the Armed Forces of Liberia, which resulted in needless injuries. In sum, if the quarantine had been well designed and implemented against the backdrop of the unfortunate realities in West Point, this violent confrontation would have been avoided.

Thankfully, amid the demonstration of the lack of vision, concern and care for the Liberian people, as well as the gross incompetence of the Sirleaf regime, various sections of the international community, including the Doctors Without Borders and the United States Government(through its Center for Disease Control) have intervened to help contain and prayerfully address the Ebola virus. Undoubtedly, the very poor manner in which the Sirleaf regime has handled the Ebola crisis demonstrates that the Liberian people cannot rely on their government for the protection of their lives. Accordingly, for the majority of Liberians, the Sirleaf regime has become an irritant that needs to be challenged.


As has been discussed, President Sirleaf assumed office amid the heaping of various accolades on her, including “the Harvard-educated economist” (but, the fact is that she is not an economist; she studied public administration), and “experienced.” In addition, in her first Inaugural Address delivered on January 16, 2006, she promised to provide the critical leadership in building a democratic and developed Liberia in which, among other things, there would be no tolerance for corruption, mismanagement and incompetence.

Unfortunately, President Sirleaf has failed to match the high expectations and rhetoric with practice. And this failure has resulted in the widening of the governance deficit that has bedeviled Liberia since its founding in 1847. At the core of the continual governance deficit is the fact that the Sirleaf regime has failed to articulate and implement a people-centered national vision for building a new democratic and developed Liberia. Instead, the Sirleaf regime has thrived on shallow clichés and “sound bites” that are ostensibly designed to bamboozle and placate the international community. Regrettably, initially, she did succeed in fooling the international community in large measures. And this was reflected in several ways. President Sirleaf received many awards for things that she did not accomplish. For example, in 2007, President Bush awarded her “The Presidential Medal of Freedom,” the United States’ highest civilian award, for her contributions to the struggle for democracy in Liberia. On the contrary, the fact is that President Sirleaf was a member of the oligarchy that misruled Liberia for decades.

Moreover, she only had a so-called “pro-democracy moment,” when she referred to the late President Samuel Doe and the officials of his government as a “bunch of fools and idiots,” in the keynote address that she delivered at the National Convention of the Union of Liberian Associations in the Americas, held in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, in 1984. Again, in 2011, to the great surprise of many Liberians, she was awarded the Noble Peace Prize. But, the reality of the matter is that she has never been an agent for peace in Liberia. Two cases are quite instructive: in 1985, she was one of the key players in the abortive military coup that was led by the late Gen. Thomas Quiwonkpa against the Doe regime. Four years later, she was one of the principal supporters of the Taylor-led insurgency that led to the first Liberian civil war in 1989. Also, the Sirleaf regime, has been discussed, received millions of dollars in development aid from various international organizations and countries for various projects. But, characteristically, the money received was instead used to enrich President Sirleaf, members of her family, her friends, associates, and officials of her government.

Another major problem is the vexing issue of rampant corruption. Corruption has become very pervasive under the Sirleaf regime to the extent that is commonplace in the legislative, executive and judicial branches of government. Specifically, public officials are using various corrupt means, including the receipt of bribes and extortion, to enrich themselves. For example, the awarding of concession agreements to various multinational corporations, and oil blocks to several energy-based firms has provided “golden opportunities” for President Sirleaf, members of the National Legislature, relatives, friends, and other officials of the Liberian government to receive bribes. Importantly, the pervasiveness of corruption under Sirleaf’s regime has earned Liberia the dubious distinction, based on Transparency International’s annual ”corruption index,” as one of the most corrupt countries in the world. In sum, as an active participant in the corruption saga, President Sirleaf lacks the moral authority and the political will to lead the required onslaught against this scourge that continues to deprive the Liberian people of decent livelihoods.

Also, the Sirleaf’s regime has become quite notorious for the mismanagement of Liberia’s financial resources. Several cases are instructive. President Sirleaf has wasted millions of dollars from the public coffers on her frequent international travels. In fact, she has made more trips abroad than any of her predecessors: she travels abroad one or more times virtually every month. In addition, she takes along a very large entourage on each of her trips, thereby requiring the spending of millions of dollars for air fares and per diem. In fact, the frequent trips that are made abroad by President Sirleaf provide another corrupt method through which her friends and government officials are able to make money through the receipt of exorbitant per diems and other financial perks.

Furthermore, millions of dollars from the public coffers are being wasted on the very high salaries of various government officials, including members of the National Legislature. For example, some cabinet ministers and heads of autonomous agencies and public corporations are being paid between $10,000 to in excess of $20,000 per month! As for the members of the National Legislature—the House of Representatives and the Senate—, they are being paid base salaries in excess of $10,000 per month. In addition, they receive generous allowances for housing, the purchase of cars and telephone cards plus free gasoline allotments per month, among others. This is mindboggling for a developing country that is especially trying to recover from two civil wars! Moreover, the Sirleaf’s regime has continued the perennial practice of spending public funds to purchase cars for government officials at various levels, and to provide them with monthly allotments of free gasoline.

Sadly, the money that is so desperately needed for education, health care, food production, clean drinking water, sanitation, electricity and the development of the physical infrastructure is being mismanaged on needless presidential travels abroad and high salaries, allowances and other perks for government officials. So, this is why having a government job is a “life and death struggle” in Liberia- because it is the easiest way to get rich quickly without any risk!

As well, despite her criticism of the late President Tolbert for engaging in nepotism, President Sirleaf has outdone her predecessor by continuing and expanding the practice of the “government by, for, and of family members.” For example, some of her children and relatives are holding various high-leveled positions in her regime. Undoubtedly, there are other Liberians with much more impressive credentials and wealth of experiences, who could occupy the positions that are currently being held by President Sirleaf’s relatives.


In spite of its rhetoric, the Sirleaf’s regime has failed to make the required public investments in the improvement of human development. And this has made the perennial human development crises worse, as reflected in various indices. For example, more than 60% of Liberians are living below the poverty line. To add “salt to injury,” scores of Liberians are so impoverished that they cannot afford even one meal per day. The pervasive condition of mass abject poverty is exacerbated by high unemployment. By some accounts, Liberia has an unemployment rate of more than 90%. Then, there are growing inequities in wealth and income between the “haves” and the “haves not.” That is, few individuals have all of life’s basic necessities, thanks to the pillaging and plundering of state resources, while the majority is deprived.

In terms of health care, there is a total collapse of the public health care system, as evidenced by the inadequacy of medical personnel—doctors, nurses, etc.—, medical facilities, equipment, supplies and medication. This has led to the deaths of several Liberians from curable diseases, and the misdiagnosis and mistreatment of illnesses. In fact, the Sirleaf’s regime has continued the practice of the government’s perennial neglect of public health. This is because, like previous regimes, President Sirleaf, her relatives, friends and government officials do not use the local public health system. Instead, they use the state’s money to attend to their health care needs in Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana, South Africa, the United States, and other countries.

Similarly, there is the inadequacy of clean drinking water and acceptable sanitation. For example, Monrovia, the capital city, is littered with trash and filth. These conditions have made Liberians vulnerable to diseases. In fact, the very unsanitary environment provides a very conducive atmosphere for the spread of the Ebola virus.

Likewise, the public educational system—from the primary to the tertiary level—is in total shambles. For example, there is the inadequacy of trained and competent personnel, especially teachers, the number of schools, instructional materials, including books, chairs and desks, equipment and supplies. Two of the major resultants are the high rate of illiteracy, and the poor preparation of students. A major case in point is that virtually all of the high school students, who take the entrance examination for admission to the University of Liberia every year, often fail en mass. This troubling trend is a reflection of the inadequacy of the preparation these students receive at their respective high schools. In short, “unprepared teachers are teaching unprepared students.

In addition, the country has been without electricity for almost 25 years! Hence, the current source of electricity is generator (for those who can afford it). Furthermore, the country’s roads, for example, continue to be in deplorable condition. This was, for instance, the main reason why the celebration of the country’s 167th Independence Anniversary on July 26, 2014 was not held in the southeastern region. In sum, the country’s overall physical infrastructure continues to be very underdeveloped, thereby making travel and other activities extremely difficult.

After almost nine years in office, the Sir leaf’s regime has failed to address these important development issues. In fact, in most cases, these issues are getting worse. For example, the failure to adequately repair, and construct new roads has made it even more difficult for travel from one part of the country to another (even relatively short distances).


So what are our suggestions for addressing the current Ebola crisis, and the broader crises of democratic governance and development? In response, we offer the following:

1. The Ebola Crisis: In order to contain, and ultimately address the Ebola crisis, the following steps would need to be taken:

A. The improvement of the methods of identifying those who are infected with the virus.

B. The improvement of the facilities for quarantine.

C. The use of caring and sensitive methods of quarantining those who are infected.

D. The need to work with communities and citizens in formulating and implementing ways to balance the need to quarantine infected individuals and communities with the need for people to have access to food and other basic necessities of life.

E. The improvement of public education and awareness about the virus.

G. The mobilization of financial, material and medical resources to help contain the spread of the virus, and to treat those who have been affected.

2. The Crisis of Democratic Governance: Given the erosion of the legitimacy of the Sirleaf regime, its capacity to lead the efforts to address the crisis of democratic governance would pose major challenges. However, we suggest the following steps:

A. The Sirleaf regime would need to change its “I don’t care” attitude, and overall lack of commitment to the advancement of the welfare of the Liberian people.

B. There is the need for the formulation and implementation of a human-centered national vision that would put the collective interests of the Liberian people above personal ones.

C.  There is the need for “zero” tolerance for corruption. And this can only be demonstrated by concrete efforts to end the ‘culture of impunity,” by holding those who engage in corrupt activities accountable through the “rule of law.”

D. End the mismanagement of public financial resources by curtailing the number of presidential trips abroad, reducing the size of the presidential delegation on each trip, the formulation of a salary structure for public officials and employee that is aligned with the cost of living and the other economic realities of Liberia as a developing country, the elimination of allowances for the members of the National Legislature, the monthly gasoline allotments to public officials, and the purchase and assignment of cars to government officials, the need to end nepotism, and the imperative of appointing only qualified individuals with the requisite credentials and experiences to various government positions.

3. The Crises of Development: The government would have to make major public investments in health care, education, access to clean drinking water, acceptable sanitation, and the other areas of human development, and the physical infrastructure, including the repair of existing roads and the construction of new ones, and the provision of electricity nation-wide.


Finally, one does not need to be a “rocket scientist” to reach the conclusion, based on the overwhelming body of evidence, that Liberia is now a “failing state” that is characterized by multidimensional crises—the Ebola crisis as part of the larger health care crises, mass poverty, high unemployment, low standard of living for the majority of Liberians, growing inequalities in wealth and income, the inadequacy of public education, clean drinking water and sanitation, food insecurity, the lack of electricity and running water, and an overall poor physical infrastructure. To make matters worse, the country is suffering from a crisis of leadership as well, because the Sirleaf’s regime has performed very poorly.

In order to rescue Liberia, it is absolutely critical for Liberians to speak out against the poor performance of the Sirleaf’s regime, including its poor handling of the Ebola crisis, and to be actively engaged in helping to find solutions to the country’s many problems. Yes, the international community can help; but, ultimately, it is only Liberians themselves, who can change the course of their country’s history, by working together to build a new democratic and prosperous Liberia, based on patriotism, national unity, commitment, a national vision, democratic governance, accountability, transparency, integrity, honesty, and pluralism.

Issued this 23rd day of August 2014, by the Liberian Association of Metropolitan Atlanta at its headquarters in the City of Lilburn, the State of Georgia, United States of America.

Signed: Leo Mulbah, President, Liberian Association of Metropolitan Atlanta (LAMA)”

Posted in 2013/2014 National Budget, Amos Sawyer, April 12 1980, Corruption, curfew, Debt relief, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Doctors without Borders, Ebola, Ebola Virus Disease (EVD), Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, FDI, Foya, Governance Commission, Guinea Conakry, Health Sector, Liberia, Liberian Diaspora, Liberian Economy, Lofa County, Médicins sans Frontières (MSF), Monrovia, Samuel Kanyon Doe, Shacki Kamara, Sierra Leone, State of Emergency, Sudan, Uganda, United Nations (UN), US - Africa Leaders Summit, West Point, Westpoint | Leave a comment

Paul Julien in Liberia in 1932 – Part II

LiberiaIn1932ExhibitionPaulJulienMonroviaToday starts in the National Museum in Monrovia an exhibition portraying  Paul Julien and his work. Paul Julien was a Dutch photographer and amateur-anthropologist, who travelled in the interior of Liberia in 1932. He wrote many books on his travels in West and Central Africa, the most famous being ‘Kampvuren langs de evenaar’ (‘Campfires along the equator’).

Contrary to what I mentioned in my previous post, Part I on Paul Julien in Liberia, this book was translated into seven languages, though I never ran into an English copy. In the Netherlands it sold over 100,000 copies and thus became the most popular Dutch book on Africa ever in his country.

The Dutch photographer and researcher Andrea Stultiens puts the spotlight on Paul Julien, his work and Liberia. As she mentions on her website, she tries to connect the past that was documented by Paul Julien to the past as remembered in Liberia and the way it is connected to the present. In the Netherlands Paul Julien’s photographs and films are part of the collection of the Netherlands Fotomuseum in Rotterdam. Now, Liberia pays tribute to this humble but educated man, who worked as a chemistry teacher in the Netherlands to finance his over 30 expeditions to Africa. Paul Julien (1901 – 2001) died three weeks before his 100th birthday.

He leaves behind a legacy that as from today can be admired in the National Museum on Broad Street, Monrovia, Liberia. The exhibition runs through August 19. The Liberian newspaper Daily Observer has for the past eight weeks paid much attention to the exhibition and Paul Julien through a series of articles written collaboratively by Kenneth Best and Andrea Stultiens (see below: Recommended additional reading).

PictureDutchEyesFor those who are interested in Paul Julien’s work on Liberia but who cannot visit the exhibition in Monrovia’s National Museum, there is ‘Dutch Eyes’, an overview of the history of Dutch photography, posted on the internet in 2012. This site contains an impressive amount of information on Paul Julien and his work, both text and images. Unfortunately most of the text is in Dutch such as numerous interviews with the famous traveller and the full text of ‘Kampvuren langs de evenaar’ (can be downloaded here). However, since a picture says more than a thousand words, it is nevertheless worth visiting the ‘Dutch Eyes’ site. The beautiful photographs show an outdated world and Julien’s working methods are definitely by today’s standards questionable but his sympathy for the people living in the interior is undisputed.

Liberia in the 1930s

PaulJulienPictureMapLiberia1932Paul Julien walked through the forests of the interior of Liberia. The map shows his itinerary: Monrovia, Kakata, Suakoko, Namaa, Sanniquellie, then leaving Liberia for N’Zérékoré in (French) Guinea. Focused on his work that mostly consisted of collecting blood samples and measuring indigenous people, he paid little attention to the political reality Liberia was facing in the 1930s. As an anthropologist he was more focused on the ordinary people and their immediate living conditions. Inevitably,  he extensively treats the secret Poro society and the murderous activities of ‘Leopard men’. He also meets with President Edwin Barclay in Monrovia as well as government officials and although he is kind to them in his book, in reality he finds them repulsive as he mentions in his letters to his friends and relatives in the Netherlands.

Liberia faced an unprecedented crisis in the early 1930s. It started with the resignation of the President and Vice-President of the Republic in 1930. President King and his Vice-President Yancy were accused of permitting slavery and involvement with slave trade and forced labour. Although an independent League of Nations report  did not find enough proof for the existence of slavery, the report of the commission, named after its chair Christy, was devastating. Both the President and his Vice President hastily resigned in order to avoid impeachment.

The aftermath of the ‘Slavery Scandal’ was a major Kru uprising against the Government in Monrovia in 1931, one of the most serious insurrections in Liberia’s colonial history and – in retrospect – the last tribal resistance to the regime of Americo-Liberian settlers. The brutal and oppressive reaction of the Liberian Government  caused international outrage. In the League of Nations voices were heard to expel Liberia from this organization. Britain severed dilomatic relations with Liberia.

In 1932 President Barclay introduced a moratorium on the payment of Liberia’s huge public debt. The Moratorium Act caused additional problems with the League of Nations, dominated by the country’s most important creditors, the USA, Britain, Germany and – to a lesser extent – the Netherlands. In vain, Firestone asked the US Government to invade Liberia. To avoid confiscation of the public revenues by its creditors, Liberia reached a secret deal with an old Dutch trading firm operating in the country, the Oost Afrikaanse Compagnie (OAC), whereby OAC informally acted as Liberia’s Ministry of Finance – in the absence of a Central Bank – and kept its meagre revenues and other public funds in its vault.

Very probably, Paul Julien was not aware of this side of Liberia’s reality. Through his work we have a chance to have a glance at everyday life in Liberia in the 1930s. It makes it worth visiting the exhibition in the National Museum on Broad Street, Monrovia.  We owe many thanks to the organizers of the exhibition, notably the management of the National Museum as well as Kenneth Best and Andrea Stultiens. Special thanks to the latter for the use of the picture at the beginning of this post.

Recommended additional reading:

Published by the Daily Observer:

A Dutch Photographer’s First Impressions in Liberia, 1932 (May 18, 2014)
Dutch Photographer II: Paul Julien at Madame Mathilda Richards’ (May 25, 2014)
Dutch Photographer III: Paul Julien Helped by the Catholic Mission (June 1, 2014)
Dutch Photographer IV: Kru Town (June 8, 2014)
Architecture on Broad, Ashmun Streets (June 15, 2014)
Part VI: June 22 Water Street (?unpublished?)
Dutch Photographer: On the Road (June 29, 2014)
Dutch Photographer VIII: Professor Logemoh (July 6, 2014)
A visit to Queen Suakoko (July 13, 2014)

Posted in Alhaji Kromah, Americo-Liberians, Andrea Stultiens, Barclay, Campfires along the equator, Christy Report, Daily Observer, Dutch Eyes, Firestone, Hendruk Muller, Kampvuren langs de evenaar, Kenneth Best, Kru, League of Nations, Leopard men, Liberia, Liberian History, Monrovia, Moratorium Act, National Museum Monrovia, Netherlands Foto Museum Rotterdam, OAC, Oost Afrikaansche Compagnie, Ordinary Liberians, Paul Julien, Poro Society, President Charles King, President Charles King resignation, President Edwin Barclay, Ritual Killings, Sasstown, Slavery Scandal, Vice President Allen Yancy, Vice President Allen Yancy resignation | Leave a comment

The Dutch photographer and anthropologist Paul Julien in Liberia, 1932

KampvurenLangsDeEvenaarKaartAfrikaThe Dutch Paul Julien (1901-2001) had a PhD in Chemistry and worked as a chemistry teacher in the Netherlands. He frequently travelled to Africa, walked through the forests of West and Central Africa and did anthropological work and research. Between 1926 and 1952 he organized nearly 30 expeditions to tropical Africa and wrote four books on his experiences.

In 1932 he visited Monrovia, Liberia and travelled through the interior of the country. That was well before Graham Greene did the same, at least for the walking. Graham Greene made a 350-mile, 4 week walk through the interior of Liberia in 1935, coming from Sierra Leone. His famous travel account ‘Journey without Maps’ (1936) is a must-read for anyone interested in Liberian history.

KampvurenLangsDeEvenaarFoto4The same applies to Paul Julien’s work. Paul Julien wrote his famous ‘Kampvuren langs de evenaar’ – in Dutch, unfortunately never translated, the title means ‘Campfires along the equator’. Four to five chapters in the book are devoted to Liberia. With nearly 100,000 copies sold,  ‘Kampvuren langs de evenaar’ may have been the most widely distributed Dutch book on ‘Africa’.

PaulJulien1932AshmunBroadStreetBesides being anthropologist and researcher, Paul Julien was a photographer and filmer. From July 19 till August 19 his photographs and the films he made will be on display at the National Museum in Monrovia.
Picture shows in foreground President Roberts’ Monument, background current National Museum, seen from Ashmunstreet (courtesy: Andrea Stultiens, Dutch photographer and researcher)

More on this shortly.

Posted in Andrea Stultiens, Campfires along the equator, Graham Greene, Journey without Maps, Kampvuren langs de evenaar, Liberian History, Monrovia, Paul Julien, Sierra Leone | Leave a comment

The mystery of the Kru or Grebo rings – Part II

KruRingAKruRingUnknownIn my April 7 post I drew attention to the lost history of the Kru or Grebo rings (‘nitien‘) that originate from eastern Liberia and, probably, from the adjacent western region of Ivory Coast though no such cases have ever been reported from the latter country, to my knowledge.

I was extremely happy to receive valuable comments from Mark Clayton and Scott Shepperd, probably the two most authoritative non-Liberian experts on these objects. Their comments warranted some important corrections and additions. I am very thankful to Mark and Scott for their reactions (see Part I, April 7, 2014).

This second part focuses on the question: Have these rings (locally called ‘nitien‘) been used as money – country money or ‘Kru money’ – or were they fetishes, ritual objects that possess certain powers?
I conclude with the question: How rare are these objects?

PART II : ‘Kru money’ or ritual object?

Reference to Kru or Grebo rings in publications on Liberian affairs is scarce. In Part I (April 7, 2014) I wrote that Horatio Bridge, an American naval officer saw these objects on a beach near Sasstown in southeastern Liberia in 1853. They were called ‘Kru money’ though – as Scott Shepperd pointed out – Bridge did not use the term ‘Kru money’, it was William Siegmann who did it (source: Private correspondence between Scott Shepherd and the present author, FVDK).

A major source on Liberian cultural affairs – and heritage – is George Schwab’s ‘Tribes of the Liberian Hinterland’, the report of the Peabody Museum expedition to Liberia, published in 1947. Very interesting, Figure 75 shows a variety of amulets and charms among which a ‘large solid cast-brass nitie, weighing just 15 pound’. It is an open-ended ring with four knobs.

13500_13507_135070038The categorization ‘Amulets and Charms’ is important here since it labels the ring as a ritual object. Moreover, one of the following pages shows a picture of a medicine panel in a Grebo medicine house (Figure 77). This is a cropped version of the original photo in the Peabody Museum. The same medicine man’s hut – is it a Bodio’s hut? – is shown on a photo, found on the Peabody Museum’s website. On the ground lies a knobbed-ring. (If you experience any difficulty accessing the link please paste in this number: 2004.24.8821). Mark Clayton deserves great credit for his untiring efforts in scrutinizing the original, uncropped Peabody photo. He was able to discern a blurry knobbed-ring on the ground. His discovery is extremely important. Since the ring was kept in a medicine man’s hut we may conclude that it was a ritual object and not any type of ‘money’. This is the first time that the ritual character of these rings has been unequivocally shown.

In our correspondence Mark Clayton mentions that when looking more closely at the large, blurry nitien on the ground, it seems that there may be a smaller four-knobbed nitien resting on top of it.  However, the picture is too blurry to be definite. To be sure about it, one would need to have the original negative processed by the most current technological software for enhancing resolution, he writes.

Unfortunately, the geographical and tribal origin of the nitien in the medicine man’s hut is unclear. Figure 77 in Schwab’s ‘Tribes of the Liberian Hinterland‘ mentions ‘medicine panel in Half-Grebo medicine house‘ hence Grebo (who live in the southeast of the country, near Ivory Coast) but the Peabody Museum labels the object as ‘Tuabo clan, medicine man’s outfit‘ and ‘Medicine Man’s Outfit. Kru stock. Tunbo clan. Liberia, Africa‘ – hence Kru (central and southeast Liberia, coastal region). So the mystery remains: Kru or Grebo rings?

The conclusion that the rings are ritual objects is in conformity with the findings of Scott Shepperd, who wrote two major articles on these brass rings. His outstanding publications on the Kru or Grebo rings are the best and most detailed publications on this subject so far. One publication appeared in the Tribal Art Forum (2004), the other was published in the Liberian Studies Journal XXXI, number 2 (2006) entitled ‘Nitien: The Curious Case of Kru Money’ , pp 50-85. According to Shepperd these rings where made as sacred objects, not originally as currency. Moreover, he makes a distinction between the massive rings – very likely village or clan fetishes – and the smaller rings and anklets for more personal use.

I found another source that confirms the ritual use and religious character of the ring. An account of a Canadian missionary working in eastern Liberia unequivocally establishes a direct link between a ring as described and a human sacrifice. Let’s have a closer look at what he reported.

A ritual killing or human sacrifice

Abe Guenther, a Baptist missionary who worked in the interior of Liberia in the 1940’s, describes in his book ‘Jungle Pilot in Liberia’ how he found such a brass ring. However, unfortunately, he does not specify the village that he visited, he only mentions that it was a village near the coast.

When Guenther asked the villagers for an explanation he heard the following, breath taking, account of a human sacrifice linked to the ring that he found (by accident ?).

Abe Guenter: “(…) On one visit I noticed a ten-pound brass ring, 7 inches across and 1.5 inches thick with four knobs attached to the side. It was half buried in mud, so I pulled it out, cleaned it off and carried it to the deacon next door. ‘Deacon Carr, please tell me what this is’, I requested. ‘Oh yes (….) I will tell you’ he replied. ‘My grandfather was the big chief in this village. He was so afraid of spirits, sicknesses, war and other people’s witchcraft that he went to the big, big witch doctor (….). With the help of the blacksmith, they poured this beautifully marked brass ring. (…) The witch doctor laid the ring down in the middle of the village (…). By then the sun was going down and the witch doctor had a meeting with just the elders of the village and my grandfather. He told them: ‘You asked for the most powerful witchcraft, and that always needs a human sacrifice. I want you to bring a young boy at midnight to the new god so we can make this sacrifice.’ An eight-year-old boy, with his mouth gagged, was brought that night. They cut his throat and spilled all his blood on the brass ring, and from that time on, all the activities of the village revolved around the ‘brass god': sacrifices, worship and all. But when the gospel came, we threw the ring away and turned to the true and living God.” (Guenter, 1992: p. 58/59).

Hence, there is no doubt. The answer to the question ‘Kru money or a ritual object?’ is that these rings are (were) ritual objects – as was also indicated by the fieldwork presented in Part I.

Final question: ‘How rare are these rings?’

As stated above, reference to Kru or Grebo rings in literature on Liberian affairs is scarce. Likewise, a more general internet search using key-words such as ‘Kru money’, ‘Dwin’, ‘tien’, ‘nitien’ resulted in only a few finds.

Ring with four knobs Brooklyn MuseumOpen ring with four knbw Brooklyn MuseumThe Brooklyn Museum (New York, USA) shows on its website two Kru or Grebo rings, both described as ‘Currency’.
One is a ‘Kru or Grebo’ copper alloy object, dated 19th c. or earlier and is an open ring with four knobs, dimensions: 7 1/4 x 6 1/2 x 2 1/2 in. (18.4 x 16.5 x 6.4 cm), no weight is given.
The second ring also is a ‘Kru, or Grebo’ copper alloy object, same estimated date. It is a closed ring with four knobs, dimensions:1 1/2 x 7 3/4 x 7 3/4 in. (3.8 x 19.7 x 19.7 cm) No further background information is provided.

The Smithsonian National Museum of African Art in Washington DC, USA, in 2000 had the exhibition The Artistry of African Currency. The exhibition’s website has in its heading an illustration of a Kru or Grebo ring – however, without any reference. However, we just concluded that these objects have nothing to do with money.

LiberianStudiesJournal1970Another illustration was found in the Liberian Studies Journal of 1970-71 showing a Kru or Grebo ring on its cover. The cover photograph is described as ‘Brass ring, use unknown. Called Dwin. Collected 1965 near Barclayville, Grand Cess Territory. Svend E. Holsoe Collection.’ Unfortunately, Holsoe does not privide any further information on the ring, apparently a big and heavy object.

When I started my research on these rings, ten years ago, I thought that these rings are rare, which adds to their mystery. However, by now I am convinced that they are not KruGreboRingAfricaMuseumBergDal1that rare. The American expert and collector Mark Clayton even owned 246 rings of which he donated 233 to the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard University in August of 2014. The other 13, which he collected after he made the donation, are still in his possession (source: correspondence between Mark Clayton and the present author, FVDK). Also Scott Shepperd is convinced that that these rings are not as rare as one might think. In the USA he met quite a few people who were in Liberia in the 1960s and 1970s and who own ten or more each. In my home country – the Netherlands – I have met people who own one or more of these rings. Also the Berg en Dal Africa Museum near Arnhem, the Netherlands, has some nice ones.

Notwithstanding the foregoing I am puzzled. Even in light of the fact that these Grebo or Kru rings usually appear as a pair in their traditional environment (see Part I) I cannot explain the relative abundance of these rings. How many villages and clans exist or existed in the eastern part of the country?

Liberia was, and still is, a sparsely populated country. I estimate that the population of southeastern Liberia was less than 100,000 around 1800 – hence much less in the preceding centuries. Is it possible that they produced hundreds and hundreds of these rings?

Questions remain. More research will be needed to fully understand the reality of these Kru and Grebo rings. ‘Rings that were created in secrecy, kept in hiding, and feared while in use’. Who picks up the challenge?

This is an updated version of a previous text published by the author on his website Liberia: Past and Present of Africa’s Oldest Republic (2005), ‘Ritual object or ‘Kru money’?’ In particular I want to draw attention to the discovery made by Mark Clayton. He was the first person to notice a ring on the ground in the medicine man’s hut as mentioned in the text (added on January 25, 2016). Also see Part I.


Guenter, Abe, ‘Jungle Pilot in Liberia’ (Schaumburg, Illinois, 1992)

Hawthorne, Nathaniel (ed.), ‘Journal of an African cruiser’ by Horatio Bridge, US Navy officer (London, first edition, 1846; and 1853 edition).

Holsoe, Svend E. (ed.): Davis, Ronald W., ‘Ethnohistorical studies on the Kru coast’, Liberian Studies Monograph Series Number 5 (Newark, Delaware, 1976).

Liberian Studies Journal, Vol. III, number 1, 1970-1971 (Newark, Delaware, 1971).

Liberian Studies Journal, Vol. XXXI, number 2, 2006: ‘Nitien: The Curious Case of Kru Money’, pp 50-85.

Schwab, George, ‘Tribes of the Liberian Hinterland’, Report of the Peabody Museum Expedition to Liberia. With additional material by George W. Harley (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1947).

Siegmann, William C., ‘Rock of the Ancestors: namôa koni’, Liberian Art and Culture from the Collections of the Africana Museum, Cuttington University College (Suakoko, Liberia, 1977).

Posted in Abe Guenther, Barclayville, Culture, George Schwab, Grand Cess Territory, Grebo, Grebo rings, Harvard University, Horatio Bridge, Ivory Coast, Kru, Kru Coast, Kru money, Kru rings, Liberia, Liberian History, Liberian Studies Journal, Mark Clayton, Nathaniel Hawthorne, nitien, Peabody Museum, Ritual Killings, Ronald Davis, Sasstown, Scott Shepperd, Siegman, Sven Holsoe, The Liberian Journal | Leave a comment

April 12, 1980 : A Personal Account and View

On April 12, 1980 I woke up by the sound of automatic gunfire. It must have been around  6 AM. I was staying with a friend who lived in the Sherman Compound, in Congo Town, then one of Monrovia’s outskirts. My first reaction when I heard the rattling sound of semiautomatic weapons and the sound of single gunshots outside was one of amazement, soon followed by disbelief. I immediately turned on the radio and what I heard gave me goose pimples and cold shivers down my spine despite the tropical heat and the humid air that characterizes April in Monrovia. I heard a news-reader who with a monotonous, nasal voice read the following text:

‘God is tired. After 133 years the enlisted men of the Liberian Army led by Master Sergeant Samuel Doe have toppled the Government because of rampant corruption and continuous failure to effectively handle the affairs of the Liberian people. No plane is allowed to come in. No plane is allowed to go out.’

The military coup was a fact. The 18 plotters labelled themselves the People’s Redemption Council (PRC). For the first time in Liberia’s history the power of the Americo-Liberian elite was crushed. At least, that was what the conspirators, their followers and the majority of the Liberian people thought. Now, after 20 Americo-Liberian Presidents since the creation of the Republic in 1847, a Liberian of tribal descent assumed the Presidency: 28-year old Samuel Doe, soon called the highschool kid-President since he attended a night highschool, the Marcus Garvey Memorial High School, at the time of the coup.

However, things were, fast, getting wrong. Monrovians soon joked that PRC stood for People Repeating Corruption. Overall, by the mid-1980s people agreed: it was ‘same taxi, different driver(s)’.

We know the rest. The failed invasion of former PRC Co-Chair and former Chief of Staff of the Liberian Army, Thomas Quiwonkpa in 1985 – was Ellen really involved in this attempt to seize power?, as Tom Woewiyu asserts –, the creation of the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) that started a violent uprising against Doe’s brutal regime – was Ellen yes or not a founding member of the NPFL?, as former President Charles Taylor claims?, the torture and murder of President Doe by Prince Y. Johnson, why was he never arrested?, followed by two cruel and devastating civil wars (between 1989 and 2003), the 2003 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, and, finally, the democratic election of Africa’s and Liberia’s first female President, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, in 2005.

Are Liberians nowadays better off than in the 1970s? Thirty-four years after the military coup that shocked the world – remember the Monrovia South Beach execution of 13 Americo-Liberian ‘big shots’ as important people are called in Liberia: former ministers of the slain President Tolbert and top officials of the once powerful True Whig Party – 34 years after that historic day of April 12, 1980, I still struggle with that question.

Posted in 1980 execution South Beach Monrovia, April 12 1980, Charles Taylor, Comprehensive Peace Agreement CPA 2003, Corruption, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Liberia, Liberian History, Monrovia, Monrovia South Beach, NPFL, Prince Y. Johnson, Samuel Kanyon Doe, Thomas Quiwonkpa, Tom Woewiyu, True Whig Party, William R. Tolbert Jr. | Leave a comment

The mystery of the Kru or Grebo rings – Part I

The Kru speaking peoples of eastern Liberia

The official number of tribes in Liberia is 16 but an estimated 31 different languages are spoken in the country. They usually are subdivided into three language groups: the West Atlantic or Mel group in western Liberia, the Mande group in the north and northwest of the country, and the Kru speaking peoples, predominantly living in the southeast. Not surprisingly, in view of the creation of the republic by freed slaves from the United States, the official language is English, but most common in the streets and households of the main cities is Liberian pidgin English, usually spoken as a second language.  We focus here on the Kru and Grebo tribes of the Kru language group.

Each tribe in Liberia has its own culture, history, customs and traditions though only one, the Vai, living mainly in Grand Cape Mount County, had independently developed a script of its own, as one of the few tribes of tropical Africa. This may explain that the known history of many of the other tribes shows important gaps, as we will see below.

The Kru

The Kru are no exception to this blank page in tribal history. There exists very little information on the origin of this tribe. The first recorded documentation dates from the 1400s when Portuguese traders met with Kru people on what was subsequently called the Kru Coast, part of the larger Malagueta or Pepper Coast stretching from the Galinhas in the west to Ivory Coast in the east . The Kru Coast  then was inhabited by three related but distinct tribes: the Grebo, the Sapo and the Kru.

The reader may find it interesting to read more on this subject and for briefness sake is further referred to the blog ‘Trip down memory lane’ focusing on the Kru people: ‘Africa’s sailor tribe that refused to be captured into slavery’. The accompanying pictures are beautiful. Please note that part of this text was previously published by the present author on his website – ‘Liberia Past and Present’ - as ‘Ritual object or Kru money?

Kru or Grebo rings – a mysteryLiberianStudiesJournal1970

The illustration shows the cover of the Liberian Studies Journal 1970-1971, vol. III, number 1. The cover photograph is a brass ring, ‘use unknown’, collected 1965 near Barclayville, Grand Cess Territory. 10 1/2″ wide, 3″high, 27 lbs. (Sven Holsoe Collection).

The origin of these artifacts is not known with certainty, except for the fact that they were made and used among the Kru and the Grebo in southeastern Liberia. According to Siegmann, the Kru and Grebo believe these objects to be living creatures that can be found in creeks, rivers and lagoons. They call them ‘tien’,‘nitien’ or ‘Dwin’ meaning water spirits or ‘Gods of water’. A variety of powers are attributed to them including the ability to stop wars, found villages, heal the sick and guarantee fertility. They are also capable to catch people crossing these streams. The Kru and Grebo believe that the ‘tien’ live in the water but can be caught and brought to town where they may be enjoined to serve as protector or guardians (Siegmann, 1977, p. 82).

KruRingAField work carried out early this year – by a source known to me but who prefers anonimity – learned the following. It is important to mention that the information was told by a Grebo source, so we should be careful with attributing it also to Kru culture and history.

“The rings basically belong in a shrine, with the high priest or Kru ring 28 obverse side, 6.6 inches diagonally, 2.75 lbs.Bodio as the custodian.  It cannot be said how they are made; in fact, they are said to ‘appear’, traditionally from a sacred site on a stream or creek, in the forest.  The rings are said to appear from the deep bottom of the creak, ‘walk’ to a rock and are found by the high priest.  When the rings – usually in a pair – are emerging, the priest ‘hears’ the noise caused by the rings entangling each other and then collects Kru ring 92 obverse side, 10.7 inches, 12.07 lbs.them. The rings are normally stored in the home of the priest into which no ‘stranger’ is permitted entrance. At times, rings are placed at the entrance for males – never the entrance for women – of huts, which huts are round.

One known use of these rings by Grebos is proclamation of rules/law. When there is a dispute Kru ring 89 obverse side, 8.7 inches, 6.80 lbs.between clans, the priest is called and on arrival, ‘throws rocks into the air’: meaning that while he is in a town or village, all he says is ‘law’ and must be complied with.  Disobediance is punished.”

It is extremely difficult to collect information on these rings, be it from Grebo or Kru origin. Disclosure of information may be interpreted as revealing a tribal secret KruRingCand hence is punishable,  maybe even by death – reason why my source prefers to be not mentioned by name.

It is seriously doubted whether any of these objects have been made in recent times. A 19th century source described objects that resembled the shown objects. In 1845, Horatio Bridge, a US Navy officer who served on a cruiser sailing in the Gulf of Guinea, reported: KruRingOpen
“I have procured some of the country-money. It is more curious,
convenient.” And he continued that “the ‘Manilly’, worth a dollar and a half, would be a fearful currency to make large payments in, being composed of old brass-kettles, melted up, and cast in a sand-mould, the weigh being from two to four pounds” (Nathaniel Hawthorne, ed., 1845, p. 106).

Siegmann writes that Horatio Bridge in 1853 reported that he Kru ring 03, 8.2 inches diagonally, 5.4 lbs.had seen them being cast in sand-moulds on the beach near Sasstown in southeastern Liberia. Scott Shepperd, a well-known expert on these Kru or Grebo rings, finds this difficult to believe “(…) since these brass rings are not sand cast but produced through the lost wax process. (Besides), I don’t think it is possible to make a 3 D objet using a sand mould.” (source: correspondence between Scott Shepperd and the present author, FVDK). Siegmann/Bridge also describes how some rings were made by melting down old brass kettles, others were made using the so-called lost wax technique of casting.

Bridge must have seen more and bigger objects than in 1845 KruRingUnknownsince he mentions that their size varied from less than two inches to more than ten inches in diameter whereas a big one could weigh as much as twenty-five pounds. Some objects were solid brass, while others had a sand core. Most objects consisted of an unbroken circle with four knobs, but a few were open on one side. Siegmann, giving the impression he quotes Bridge, reported that these objects were called ‘Kru money’. (Siegmann, 1977, p.82).

Very recently, the American expert and collector Mark Clayton acquired a ring in Liberia and he had a radiocarbon testing carried out on it in a New Zealand lab that showed the following result.

The piece’s age range with the highest probability is 405 to 459 years old, the middle point of which is 432 years – meaning the piece that was tested dates from around 1580! Even, the outermost theoretical range was estimated at between 377 – 541 years. This means that some of these Kru or Grebo rings date back to the time of the early Portuguese traders!

True or not true?

This is a revised and updated version of a previous text published by the author on his website Liberia: Past and Present of Africa’s Oldest Republic (2005), ‘Ritual object or ‘Kru money’? In particular I want to draw attention to the name of the American collector – Mark Clayton – that has been included in the updated version (added on January 25, 2016). Also see Part II.

To be continued: Part II – Kru money or ritual object? See Post dated April 25, 2014.


Hawthorne, Nathaniel (ed.), ‘Journal of an African cruiser’ by Horatio Bridge, US Navy officer (London, first edition, 1846; and 1853 edition).

Holsoe, Svend E. (ed.): Davis, Ronald W., ‘Ethnohistorical studies on the Kru coast’, Liberian Studies Monograph Series Number 5 (Newark, Delaware, 1976).

Liberian Studies Journal, Vol. III, number 1, 1970-1971 (Newark, Delaware, 1971).

Schwab, George, ‘Tribes of the Liberian Hinterland’, Report of the Peabody Museum Expedition to Liberia. With additional material by George W. Harley (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1947).

Siegmann, William C., ‘Rock of the Ancestors: namôa koni’, Liberian Art and Culture from the Collections of the Africana Museum, Cuttington University College (Suakoko, Liberia, 1977).

Posted in agriculture, Barclayville, Culture, Grand Cess Territory, Grebo, Grebo rings, Horatio Bridge, Krahn, Kru, Kru Coast, Kru money, Kru rings, Language groups, Liberia, Liberian Studies Journal, Malagueta Coast, Mark Clayton, Nathaniel Hawthorne, Pepper Coast, Portugal, Portuguese traders, Ritual Killings, Ronald Davis, Sapo, Scott Shepperd, Siegman, Sven Holsoe, Vai | Leave a comment

The 1983 Planning and Development Atlas – a forgotten document?

click image to enlarge

By accident – I should rather say sheer luck – I recently acquired a beautiful copy of a Planning and Development Atlas that was prepared and published by the Ministry of Planning and Economic Affairs (MPEA) in 1983. The Atlas was realized in cooperation with the German Agency for Technical Cooperation, GTZ.Cooperation, GTZ.

A friend-of-a-friend of mine who had contributed to it was at the end of 2013 going through some dusted boxes with old documents she kept in the attic and then rediscovered the precious document that had caused her and her German and Liberian colleagues so many sleepless nights in the early 1980s. Knowing my never-satisfied-hunger for old documents and records she contacted me if I would be interested in seeing it. To shorten a long story, just before Christmas she gave me the Atlas as a present – the best X-mas present I ever received.

The Atlas includes development maps with data in respect of population, resources, infrastructure etc. relevant for planning and development purposes. It is based on the censuses of 1962 and 1974. The document is impressive and not only because of its appearance – it measures 20 inch by 20 inch, is one inch thick and weighs 15 lbs! With 37 maps, 45 pages text, 68 figures and 104 tables it contains a wealth of information on Liberia in the 1960s and 1970s.

Liberia’s history of censuses

It is important to mention that the 1962 Population Census was the first national census ever held in Liberia – since 1847! – and showed a population of 1.1 million. According to the 1974 Census the country’s population stood at 1.5 million. The third and last national
census before the start of the civil war was carried out in 1984 and showed a total population of 2.1 million. The fourth National Population and Housing Census since the creation of the republic in 1847 – and the first after the end of the second civil war – was  held in March 2008, revealing a population  of 3.5 million.

There does not exist a comparable document to this 1983 Planning and Development Atlas, as far as I know. The Final Report of the 1984 census was never published. The manuscript and most of the data were lost during the civil war. I could only trace a 43-page Summary Report, published by the Ministry of Planning and Economic Affairs in 1987, available on the internet.

The post-war interest and support of many donor agencies made a very comprehensive Final Report of the 2008 Population and Housing Census possible. I will not elaborate on the details of this 358 page document. Noteworthy, in the Introduction of the Final Report it is mentioned that:

“(…) In addition, the civil strife in the last two decades made the situation worse by destroying national data banks. The demographic statistics from the censuses of 1962, 1974 and 1984 and socio-economic  surveys conducted prior to the civil conflict are either extremely scanty or completely lost. Furthermore, most of the demographic statistics that survived the civil strife are no longer relevant to the situation on the ground mainly because of massive population displacements and/or resettlements.(…)”

Certainly, the 2008 Census has resulted in a wealth of information on the present situation in post-war Liberia, but the results are presented in a static way showing the status quo. This in itself is very comprehensible since the comparison of the census results with previous demographic and socio-economic data constitutes an exercise of a quite different nature.

However, since there is no reference in the 2008 Final Report to the 1983 Planning and Development Atlas and also in light of the quotation above I cannot rule out the possiblity that the Atlas’ existence was unknown to the Liberian authorities and the donor agencies that contributed to the 2008 Census. I would even be surprised if a copy of the Atlas exists in the country. A quick search on the internet revealed that several libraries abroad have a copy.

A detailed look at a particular map of the 1983 Atlas

To conclude, it is interesting to highlight one particular map of the 1983 Atlas. Map 8 ‘Mineral Resources and Mining’ shows the country’s natural resources and the exploration and concession agreements granted to foreign investors and potential investors. In this respect it is interesting to read on page 23 of the Handbook Text under the caption ‘Hydrocarbon Concessions’:

“(…) A shelf of 9,266 square miles (24,000 square kilometers) which is considered potentially petroliferous has been subdivided into five blocks A, B, C, D and E from  the Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast borders. Exclusive exploration rights for blocks A, B and C were awarded to the Union Carbide Petroleum Company, Chevron Oil Company and the Frontier Oil Company respectively. (…) The remaining two blocks were awarded under non-exclusive exploration rights to Chrystal Oil Company and Aracca Petroleum Corporation. (…)”

click image to enlarge

Personally, I found it a revelation that the 2011 concession agreement between Chevron and the Government of Liberia, with a price tag of US $ 10.7 billion – an absolute record in the country’s history – goes such a long way back: at least some 30 years! I learn from it that economic research may give us insights previously unknown – provided one has the relevant documents and records….. That this is certainly not always the case in Liberia will be obvious after the foregoing.


I hope that the foregoing may inspire Liberian government officials, parliamentarians, academic researchers, journalists and civil society organizations to make better use of existing knowledge when analyzing the present socio-economic situation in Liberia and deciding what is the best for the country. Failure to do so may easily result in – to paraphrase Graham Greene’s famous book on Liberia – a Journey without Maps

Posted in 1962 Census, 1974 Census, 1984 Census, 2008 National Population and Housing Census, Liberia, Liberian History, Ministry of Planning and Economic Affairs, Planning and Development Atlas 1983 | Leave a comment

Will Charles Taylor end up being Africa’s only former president convicted of war crimes?

Yes, September 26, 2013 was a historic day. On that day the Appeals Chamber of the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) rendered its verdict in the ‘Charles Taylor trial’. In a packed court room presiding Justice George Gelaga King  announced that the six judges of the Appeals Chamber unanimously upheld last year’s conviction of former President Charles Taylor on 11 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity. The Appeals Chamber also affirmed the 50-year sentence imposed by the Trial Chamber last year.

The 65-year old former President will serve his sentence in Belmarsh Prison, a Category A men’s prison in south-east London, England. The Belmarsh Prison is often used for the detention of convicted terrorists but among the inmates also are dangerous psychopathic pedophiles and notorious child killers. At one time the prison also housed Ronnie Biggs, a famous English criminal, known for his role in the 1963 Great Train Robbery. Given his age and 50-year sentence Charles Taylor is not likely to leave this high-security prison alive.

Victims and political leaders will feel greatly relieved knowing that he, once the most wanted man in West Africa, will not be back in the region. In one way or the other, Charles Taylor was meddling in many West African countries: Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire (Ivory Coast), Guinea-Conakry, the Gambia, Ghana, Nigeria, not to speak of Liberia where he started the civil war in 1989. It is important to mention that the Special Court for Sierra Leone found him guilty of aiding and abetting crimes committed by the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) and the allied Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) against Sierra Leones civilian population. He was not convicted because of his subversive and criminal role in the other West African countries mentioned, in particular Liberia.

Liberia’s Truth and Reconciliation Committee (TRC) in its final report (2009) recommended the creation of an Extraordinary Criminal Tribunal for Liberia and the prosecution of the following Liberians for war crimes, human rights abuses and economic crimes: Charles G. Taylor, Prince Y. Johnson, Roosevelt Johnson,  Alhaji G.V. Kromah, George Boley, Thomas Yaya Nimley, Sekou Damate Conneh and François Massaquoi. Except for Charles Taylor, none of these notorious and feared warlords ever stood trial. They are as free as a bird and live in Liberia. During the recent celebrations of ‘10 years of peace’, in August, President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf even awarded certificates to leaders of warring factions, ‘in acknowledgement of their contribution to peace’. Needless to say that this sparked widespread anger among victims of the two civil wars and their relatives.

The conviction of Charles Taylor is an important step in the right direction. Charles Taylor is the first former Head of State to be convicted for war crimes by an international criminal court since Neurenberg in 1946. But his conviction does not bring justice to other victims of heinous crimes committed by or in name of political leaders and even Heads of State.

Former President of Chad, Hissein Habré, ruled over this vast and oil-rich Central African country from 1982 to 1990. Habré, also called ‘Africa’s Pinochet’, is accused of war crimes and torture during his eight years in power. Human rights organizations hold him responsible for the killing and torture of maybe as many as 40,000 people, but the exact number is not known. He was deposed in 1990 and fled to Senegal. On the eve of his departure from N’Djamena, the country’s capital, he stole millions from the National Treasury. During seventeen years he managed to escape arrest, until 2007 when he was placed under house arrest. On June 30 of this year he was finally arrested by the Senegalese police and charged with crimes against humanity and torture.

Another former Head of State who manages to escape from justice is Haile Mariam Mengistu of Ethiopia aka the ‘Red Emperor’.  Mengistu also fled after losing power when Meles Zenawi’s TPLF forces entered the capital Addis Ababa. Mengistu was granted a comfortable place to live in Zimbabwe by Robert Mugabe, also a Head of State who considers himself above the law. President Omar Al-Bashir of Sudan is wanted by the International Criminal Court but travels freely to neighboring countries challenging his prosecutors. Also in East Africa, President Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya is under fire. Both he and Deputy President William Ruto, a Kalenjin leader and former enemy, are accused of ethnic cleansing and murder in 2008, leaving some 1,500 people dead. Early September 2013 Kenya’s parliament voted to withdraw from the International Criminal Court (ICC). Nonetheless, the trial of Kenya’s Deputy President William Ruto on charges of crimes against humanity commenced on September 10. President Uhuru Kenyatta’s trial is scheduled to start on November 12. 

In West Africa President Blaise Compaoré of Burkina Faso rules since October 1987 after his friend and colleague Thomas Sankara was murdered. There is a persistent rumor in West Africa that Compaoré and Charles Taylor, who knew each other from  Gaddafi’s military training camps in Libya, had a secret deal: Compaoré would help Taylor to get rid of President Samuel Doe, and Taylor would assist Compaoré in eliminating President Sankara.

We know the rest of the story. Burkinabé military were with Charles Taylor’s NPFL when they invaded Liberia, from Ivory Coast, in 1989. A UN report established Burkina’s role in the shipment of arms to Liberia – despite a UN arms embargo – as was even referred to by the Appeals Chamber of the SCSL in its final verdict, on September 26. In 2010 Prince Johnson, Liberian warlord and comrade-in-arms of Charles Taylor before he broke with him in 1990, declared when interviewed by the French news agency AFP that he and other Liberian fighters had killed President Sankara in 1987 in Ouagadougou, Burkina’s capital, thus clearing the way for Blaise Compaoré.

President Compaoré has been ruling Burkina Faso for almost 26 years. The country is seen as one of West Africa’s most stable countries. For geo-political reasons the USA, France and other powers see no reason to isolate or alienate Blaise Compaoré, considered a reliable ally in an unstable region, notwithstanding the serious accusations. In neighboring Mali, Burkina is the most important outside mediator in the conflict between the central government in Bamako and the secessionist Tuareg in the north of the country.

I wrote on April 28, 2012, two days after the Trial Chamber of the Special Court for Sierra Leone found the former Liberian president guilty of ‘aiding and abetting crimes in Sierra Leone’, that the conviction of Charles Taylor is a victory for justice, but not an end to impunity in Africa.

I see no reason to change my opinion. Justice delayed is justice denied.

Posted in African Politics, Alhaji Kromah, Blaise Compaore, Chad, Charles Taylor, Civil War(s) Liberia, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Ethiopia, Gaddafi, George Boley, Guinea Conakry, Haile Mariam Mengistu, Hissein Habré, Impunity in Africa, International Criminal Court ICC, Ivory Coast, Justice, Kenya, Liberia, Liberian History, Libya, Mali, Meles Zenawi, Nigeria, Omar al Bashir, Prince Y. Johnson, Robert Mugabe, Roosevelt Johnson, Samuel Kanyon Doe, Sierra Leone, Sierra Leone Special Court, The Gambia, Truth and Reconciliation Committee (TRC), Tuareg, Uhuru Kenyatta, William Ruto, Zimbabwe | Leave a comment

How many Liberians will celebrate ‘July 26’ abroad?

July 26 is Liberia’s Independence Day anniversary.
On July 26, 1847 the independent Republic of Liberia was officially born, created by less than 1,000 men: freed slaves, free-born blacks and mulattoes from the United States of America. They called themselves ‘Americo-Liberians’ and picked as the new republic’s national motto: ‘The Love of Liberty Brought Us Here‘.

We will never know how many people already lived on what was then called the Pepper Coast, but the tribal population outnumbered the new emigrants by far. By 1900 emigration to the Republic of Liberia had ceased. In all, some 15,000 African-Americans from the United States and some 300 from the West Indies had crossed the Atlantic Ocean in search of a better future.

We know the rest of the story: the Americo-Liberian one-party rule and the political and social exclusion of the African-Liberian population were abruptly ended with the 1980 coup of Master-Sergeant Samuel Doe, who became the country’s first president of tribal origin. But disillusion followed. Ten years of human rights abuses and dictatorship characterized Doe’s reign and in 1990 he was as brutally murdered as he had butchered his predecessor, the Americo-Liberian President Tolbert.

The two civil wars (1989-1997; 1999-2003) devastated the country, destroyed the little that had been built up since 1822 when the first group of settlers landed on Providence Island. When in 2006 Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, the continent’s first democratically elected female president, took over from her former ally-turned-into-enemy Charles Taylor the country had to start from scratch.

But by then many people had ‘voted with their feet’. An estimated 500,000 Liberians have replaced the Land of Liberty for another country to live in  – compared to 4 million who continue living in Liberia.

The United States

The largest number of Liberians abroad can be found in the United States, officially about 100,000 though some sources put this figure much higher, between 250,000 and 500,000, but  I want to see more evidence before believing this estimate. Most of these ‘Liberian Americans‘ are organized in one of the many organizations that Liberians have created. The Union of Liberian Associations in the Americas is the most important national umbrella organization with 23 local organizations in at least 13 states plus Washington DC. But based on research on the internet, I estimate that in each state Liberians can be found. The largest Liberian communities live in Rhode Island, New York, Washington DC, Virginia, Georgia, Minnesota and, recently, California.

The total number of Liberian organizations in the Unites States is overwhelming. The oldest and largest organizations are the United Bassa Organization in the Americas (UNIBOA), the National Krao (Kru) Organization in the Americas (NKKA) and the Federation of Liberian Mandingo Associations in the USA (FELMAUSA). But there also exist organizations of Liberians originating from the same county like e.g. the National Association of Cape Mountainians in the Americas (NACMA).

Other organizations are named after the city, state or region of the United States where Liberians reside like the Conference of Liberian Organizations In The Southwestern United States, the Liberian Organization of Piedmont, North Carolina, and the Liberian-American Community Organization of Southern California.

The largest Liberian community may live in Rhode Island or in Minnesota. The Organization of Liberians in Minnesota (OLM) is one of the most active Liberian organizations in the United States and The Liberian Journal is a major Minnesota-based online group that earlier this year started a print version for the Liberian Diaspora in Minnesota and neighboring states. This year OLM’s preparations for the celebration of the country’s 166th independence anniversary are being overshadowed by the row over the invited keynote speaker, Liberia’s Finance Minister, Amara Konneh, who is considered responsible for the alleged diversion of US $ 13 million of European Community aid funds.


ULAA’s sister-organization in Europe is the European Federation of Liberian Associations (EFLA) with member-organizations in at least 15 European countries: Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, The Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Slovenia, Sweden, Switzerland, United Kingdom. It is not known how many Liberians the national organizations represent nor is it known how many Liberians live in Europe. The recent wave of restrictive immigration laws in the majority of the European countries have forced many Liberians out of the official statistics making any estimate a futile exercise. Almost certain the number of Liberians in European countries does not exceed 50,000.

The Netherlands

Probably the largest Liberian community in Europe lives in the Netherlands. The main umbrella organization here is the Liberian Association Holland (LAH) and was created in 1991, no doubt by refugees following the start of the first civil war. The LAH is organized in local chapters and claims to have some 3,000 members but this may be an outdated figure. Other organizations of Liberians in the Netherlands are Liberians in Holland, the Liberian Association in Rotterdam and the Liberian Mandingo Organization in the Netherlands, Bengoma, to name but a few.

West Africa

Between half a million and one million Liberians fled during the fourteen years of civil conflict to neighboring countries in West Africa. After the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in 2003 many refugees returned, sometimes aided by the United Nations (UNHCR), but an unknown number has preferred not to return to the Land of Liberty. Their number may even be as high as 100,000 or 200,000 some of whom have already adopted the nationality of their new home country.

July 26, 2013

‘July 26’ approaches again. 4 million Liberians will celebrate their country’s independence anniversary at home. Hundreds of thousands of political and economic Liberian refugees abroad will also celebrate ‘July 26’: in North America, Europe, Sierra Leone, Ghana, Nigeria or another West African country, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Mali. Most Liberians in the diaspora are well educated and the best trained people of their country. Overall, an estimated 30-40% of the educated Liberians left their country and will not return, lacking confidence in their country’s future.

Liberians are fond of jokes. It is being said that ‘The Love Of Liberty Brought Us Here but The Lack of Money Kept Us Here’.

Notwithstanding the foregoing, the Liberian diaspora yearly sends an estimated US $ 100 million to Liberia. Let us hope that these remittances will contribute to the miracle that has to happen to make Liberia a middle-income country by 2030, the official goal of the present Administration. Only in that case the number of Liberians celebrating ‘July 26’ abroad will diminish and the Land of Liberty again becomes the land that the pioneers in 1847 thought it would be, the Promised Land.

Posted in 1847 Constitution, African Politics, Americo-Liberians, April 12 1980, Charles Taylor, Comprehensive Peace Agreement CPA 2003, Conference of liberian Organizations in Southwestern United States (Colosus), Corruption, Elections in Liberia, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, European Federation of Liberian Associations (EFLA), Federation of Liberian Mandingo Associations in the USA (FELMAUSA), Independence Day, Liberia, Liberian Association Holland (LAH), Liberian Demography, Liberian Diaspora, Liberian History, Liberian Mandingo Organization in the Netherlands Bengoma, Liberian-American Community Organization of Southern California (LACOSC), Liberians In Holland, National Association of Cape mountainians in the Americas (NACMA), National Krao (Kru) Association in the Americas (NKAA), National Motto, National Seal, Organization of Liberians in Minnesota (OLM), Pepper Coast, Remittances, Samuel Kanyon Doe, The Liberian Journal, The Liberian Organization of the Piedmont, UNHCR, Union of Liberian Associations in the Americas (ULAA), United Bassa Organization in the Americas (UNIBOA), Vision 2030, William R. Tolbert Jr. | Leave a comment

April in Monrovia

April is the hottest month in Liberia. The temperature easily reaches 90 degrees Fahrenheit (i.e. 32 degrees Celsius). The sky often is cloudy. Thunderstorms announce the  7 months rainy season. Air humidity will gradually rise and reach its maximum of 100 per cent in the coastal areas at the end of July. By then the air feels like a hot blanket.

April may also be politically hot. Sometimes steaming hot – like this year.

On April 14, 1979 the ‘Rice Riots’ took the government of then President Tolbert by surprise. In Monrovia, demonstrators protested against the announced increase of rice, the staple food, but the underlying anger had everything to do with the political exclusion of tribal people by the Americo-Liberian elite. The demonstration turned into an orgy of looting after the police fired live ammunition at the demonstrators killing hundreds of them.

Almost exactly a year later, on April 12, 1980, the Americo-Liberian President Tolbert was assassinated in a bloody military coup d’état that brought master-sergeant Samuel Doe to power, a Krahn from the eastern part of the country (Grand Gedeh County). Doe thus became Liberia’s first president of tribal origin since the creation of the republic in 1847. During the coup and for the first time in the nation’s history, Liberians in the streets of Monrovia were halted and asked to speak one of the country’s thirty tribal languages, a move directed at the identification of Americo-Liberians, the descendants of the founders of the republic.

Ten days after the coup – still in April – thirteen men were savagely and publicly executed on a beach in Monrovia, after a mockery trial. The former government officials and True Whig Party leaders were executed in a horrific scene, witnessed by a cheering crowd.

Sixteen years later another April month brought chaos, fear and death. The first civil war (1989-1996) was in its seventh year when on April 6, 1996 two warlords in  the power-sharing transitional government, Charles Taylor (NPFL) and Alhaji Kromah (ULIMO-K), orchestrated the arrest of another warlord, Roosevelt Johnson (ULIOMO-J), causing a flaring up of fighting resulting in the death of many and the displacement of thousands who fled the capital city.

In light of the foregoing it is very understandable that when opposition leaders announced an April 12 demonstration against the Sirleaf Administration, the government was not eager to let this happen. 35 civil society groups including the Coalition for the Transformation of Liberia (COTOL) wanted President Sirleaf to resign. The internationally acclaimed President because of her many achievements – notably in the areas of human rights and private sector development – was accused of corruption, nepotism and bad governance. Also reports that the police wanted to demonstrate on April 12 because of payment arrears contributed to a serious and tense situation.

Early April a leaked confidential document suggested that the April 12 demonstration was an attempt to topple the Sirleaf government. Financed by the Liberian diaspora in the United States 400 ex-combatants – mainly from the MODEL warring faction, allegedly Grand Gedeans –  were to carry out the operation. According to the document published by the Monrovia-based Heritage newspaper the alleged coup organizers accused the Sirleaf government of being mainly composed of sons and daughters from the regime of the deposed President Tolbert. Moreover, they accused the Sirleaf Administration of a vendetta campaign against Grand Gedeans (read: Krahn people). Grand Gedeans in the USA were quick to reject the Heritage newspaper article that quoted the unspecified security report and reaffirmed their commitment to peace in Liberia.

The existence of the leaked confidential document has never been proven but what is more important is that thus a tribal element was introduced in the politics surrounding the planned April 12 demonstration. Besides, President Sirleaf has never been popular in Grand Gedeh County where she lost two presidential elections to her main rival, George Weah, leader of the Congress for Democratic Change (CDC). Last year President Sirleaf nominated George Weah as her peace ambassador, a nomination he accepted.

Three days before the planned demonstration Archie Sannoh, leader of the Coalition for the Transformation of Liberia (COTOL), called off the planned protest, causing a split in the opposition. Archiebego Doe of the GLN, Grassroot Leadership Network, immediately announced that the protest stood as planned. He accused the Coalition leaders of taking bribes. Later, the government confirmed that planners of the demonstration received money to call off the planned protest.

And the CDC – the main opposition party – and George Weah, what was their position?

Initially the CDC favored the protest against President Sirleaf but the party later withdrew its support. Also George Weah backed off. He said he was not willing to discuss any demonstration and he gave a very good reason for it: he was mourning his late mother who had died in Ghana. In an interview with Liberian journalists a few days later, he pleaded for peaceful protests and emphasized that we have to sit on the table and always negotiate.

So after all, in the end, April in Monrovia was not so hot as feared. The only victim of the cancelled April 12 demonstration might be Defense Minister Brownie Samukai. A few days before the planned demonstration he stated that he would resort to the use of lethal force to quell or disperse the protest and that government would employ all means available, including the deployment of units of the Armed Forces of Liberia to quell the protest. His statement was a reason for the Liberia Human Rights Campaign (LHRC), a Diaspora-based organization, to request President Sirleaf to release him from his post. It considered his threat not compatible with the democratic principles propagated by her Administration.

So President Sirleaf’s problems are far from over. Was her decision to introduce a moratorium on the exportation of unprocessed natural rubber on April 18 (‘Executive Order No. 50’) already planned months before or a strategic decision aimed to arouse more domestic support for her Administration’s economic policies? And what about her admitting that serious mistakes had been made in the Golden Veroleum Oil Palm Concession in Sinoe County – what she did on April 28? Does it show us a human president, willing to bow her head and to listen to the affected farmers and residents of Sinoe County, or a clever politician?

On top of all this came very serious criticism from the US State Department. It recently published its 2012 Human Rights report on Liberia that was embarrassing even devastating for the Sirleaf Administration. Government officials engage in corrupt practices with impunity, the report averred, and judges, magistrates and jurors were found subject to corruption and influence.

More on this report later.

Posted in 1980 execution South Beach Monrovia, Alhaji Kromah, Americo-Liberians, April 12 1980, April 12 2013, April 14 1979, Charles Taylor, civil society organizations, Civil War(s) Liberia, Coalition for the Transformation of Liberia (COTOL), Congress for Democratic Change (CDC), Corruption, Coups in Africa, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Executive Order No. 50, George Weah, Golden Veroleum Liberia (GVL), Grassroot Leadership Network (GLN), Human Rights, Krahn, Liberia, Liberian History, MODEL, Monrovia, NPFL, oil palm plantation, Press freedom in Liberia, Rice Riots, Roosevelt Johnson, rubber, Samuel Kanyon Doe, Sinoe County, True Whig Party, ULIMO, ULIMO-J, ULIMO-K, William R. Tolbert Jr. | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment